In October 1800, Lahy Ganges indentured himself to Enos Eldridge for a term of four years. This places his birth some time before 1783, given the Abolition Society’s practice of indenturing First Ganges males for 4 years or to age 21, whichever came first. Thus, Lahy was 17 or older at the beginning of his indenture.[i]
The indenture describes Eldridge as a farmer of Darby Township, Delaware County. Deed records of the time variously describe him as a yeoman or grazier – one who “rears or fattens cattle and sheep for market.”
Around 1798, Eldridge removed from his farm in Newton Township, Gloucester County, NJ to Darby Township, Delaware County, leasing a 46 acre farm on the west bank of Cobbs Creek, near the Blue Bell Inn. In May 1800, he bought the property from Benjamin Paschall for $2,000[ii] and sold it 4 years later to Jacob Gibbons for $3,700 [iii] . The previous November, Eldridge had tried to auction the farm, providing this picturesque description to prospective buyers:
A valuable Plantation, situate on the line of Philadelphia and Delaware counties, near the Blue Bell inn, and near the great Southern road Seven miles from the city of Philadelphia – containing about 46 acres of land. The farm is well divided into small fields with new post fence of chestnut timber; all the lots are well watered by a stream running through the same. There is a sufficiency of the best thriving timber for fuel and fencing; there are about twelve acres well set with timothy and clover feed, a young orchard of one hundred apple trees of the best grafted fruit, with a variety pf other fruit trees, such as cherry peaches, plumb, &c. – The buildings are two story stone dwelling house and kitchen, a new stone barn and carriage house forty-four by thirty five feet. With cellars under the whole and stalls for 224 creatures, a well of excellent water at the door with a pump therein, a garden well set with flowers and shrubs, newly pailed in. There is on said place one of the best stone quarries in the neighborhood. The situation is worth a citizen’s attention as a country seat, it being a healthy situation. Any person willing to purchase may view the premises, by applying to Enos Eldridge, living thereon [iv] .
Like any real estate advertisement, this description probably stretches the truth, but it appears that Eldridge made considerable improvements during his ownership.[v] This is a possible location where Lahy worked off his indenture to Eldridge, perhaps caring for livestock, laboring in the quarry, or constructing the new barn and carriage house.
Enos Eldridge owned or leased other properties during the period of Lahy’s indenture. In 1798, he was leasing 20 acres on Tinicum Island from Thomas Proctor.[vi] In 1801, for $50, he bought the entirety (100 acres) of Maiden Island, located in the Delaware River just south of Fort Mifflin.[vii] Eldridge’s wife, Agnes, had also inherited land on Petty’s Island and the Delaware shoreline in Newton Township, Gloucester County.[viii] Given their location, all these properties would have been subject to regular flooding, so would probably have been used for grazing livestock and Lahy may have devoted time here as well.
Life As a Free Man
Under the terms of his indenture, Lahy’s service was to end after four years, in late 1804. Assuming no extension of his service, he would have been required to go out on his own as a free man at that time. Subsequent city directory records suggest he did just that. The entries for the years 1818-1824 document a consistent name, occupation and address, suggesting a relatively stable existence.
|1818||Gansey, Lahy||hostler||40 Mead Alley||colored|
|1819||Gansey, Lahy||hostler||40 Mead Alley||colored|
|1820||Gansey, Lahy||ostler||40 Meade Alley||colored|
|1821||Gansey, Lahy||ostler||40 Meade Alley||colored|
|1822||Gansey, Lahy||ostler||40 Meade Alley||colored|
Further, the 1820 census records Lahy — this time as Levi Gansey — as the head of a household of fifteen free colored persons: six children, one young adult and eight adults. While it’s not possible to conclude that Lahy had a family from this record alone, it doesn’t rule out the possibility either. It may also be that Lahy and some of his shipmates from the Ganges were able to share a household by this time.
Of course, none of this meant that Lahy was immune to the conditions that he and his fellow Philadelphians lived in the early 19th century. On August 8, 1821, he was admitted to the Philadelphia Alms House for medical treatment under the name Levi Ganges. While support for the sick, indigent, and unemployed poor was a long-standing practice, the city only assumed costs for legal residents — those who had lived in the city and paid taxes or rent for at least a year. Costs of care for more recent arrivals fell to a their former legal residence. The almshouse admitting clerks went to great lengths to document responsibility for costs and duly recorded the pertinent details upon a person’s first admission. These entries in the “Daily Occurrence Docket” often provide remarkable personal details that are unavailable elsewhere, including Lahy’s:
Levi Ganges blk [black] LR [legal resident] 45 years old born Africa served his time in Darby Delaware Co. left there 10 years ago & came to this city where he has lived ever since & 5 years in one house for which he paid $32 p anm [annum] sent — sick his wife died here on Sunday last — sent p order of James Martin Do[debit] City [xii]
Aside from confirming the fact that Lahy Gansey and Levi Ganges are the same man — the story fits Lahy’s profile very closely, it also confirms — in the most tragic way — that he had indeed started a family in Philadelphia.
Levi’s wife, Mary Ganges, age about 35 (born abt 1786), was admitted to the almshouse on August 3, 1821 and died in the infirmary two days later of puerperal mania [xiii]. Her docket entry is nearly identical to Levi’s: born in Africa, indentured in Darby Township, lived in the city for 10 years, and paid rent of $32/y. This strongly suggests she was also a First Ganges. [xiv]
There is no Mary among the women indentured in Darby, but given the likelihood of a name change, she is probably one of Boi (b abt 1790) or Cuba (born bef 1786) Ganges, who were also indentured to Enos Eldridge, or Messu (born bef 1786), indentured to Benjamin Oakford. Based on age and residence in the Eldridge household, Cuba Ganges is the most likely. [xv].
An accompanying entry indicates John Ganges, about 2 years old, was admitted with Mary on August 3, 1821 and identified as “her child.” There is no discharge or death entry for John in the daily occurrence docket, but a Philadelphia cemetery return reports his death at the almshouse as John Ganges , aged 2 years 6 months, of hydrocephalus on September 24, 1821 [xvi] . Thus, Lahy’s small family was lost to him, presumably a bitter pill to swallow in light of all that had happened to him and his wife.
In the aftermath of this tragedy, Lahy/Levi disappears almost completely from the written record for more than ten years. He is not to be found in the 1830 Federal census, appears briefly in PSFS bank records in 1831 when Adam Everly, comb maker of 225 High St, opened a bank for him [xviii] and only once more in a city directory — in 1837 as a laborer [xix] . Yet, his absence from the record should not be assumed to have ended his story as a formerly enslaved African. Far from it.
Irony and Redemption
In August 1839, the Spanish/Cuban slaving schooner La Amistad was brought into the port of New Haven, Connecticut in the custody of the USS Washington, which seized her off the coast of Long Island with 53 Africans aboard. The Africans had been recently kidnapped in Africa, enslaved, brought to Havana via the Middle Passage, sold and — accompanied by their new owners — shipped aboard La Amistad for work on sugar plantations a few days sail from Havana.
Around July 1, 1839, off the coast of Cuba, the Africans escaped their bonds, killed the captain and cook and seized control of the vessel. They spared their owners’ lives in exchange for navigation back to Sierra Leone, their point of origin. The owners, however, by sailing slowly eastward during the day and hard and fast to the northwest at night, managed to make landfall at Long Island instead.
The incident caused a public sensation as abolitionist and pro-slavery factions wrestled for control of the narrative. Were the Africans free? Was it murder or self-defense? Early on, the story tended to favor the pro-slavery faction because the Spanish owners’ side of the story could be translated and published with relative ease. Not so for the Africans. Although they were ethnically diverse and spoke multiple African languages, no one else could speak their primary language, Mendi. Communication was very difficult.
Faced with this dilemma, Lewis Tappan, a member of the abolitionist committee formed to assist the Africans, put out a public call for help:
If there are native Africans in this city, or elsewhere in this country, who were born near the sources of the river Niger, or in Mandingo, or who can converse readily in the Susoo, Kissi, Mandingo, or Gallinas dialects, they will confer a great favor by calling or sending to the undersigned, for the committee, at 143 Nassau street, New York City.[xx]
Abolitionist supporters throughout the country answered the call, including a committee of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society consisting of Dr. Isaac Parrish, Daniel Neall Jr., William Betts, William Harned and Charles Wise. In a letter to Joshua Leavitt dated September 12, 1839, Dr. Parrish offered
.. to confer with you in the case, to secure the services of D P Brown on behalf of the Society, solicit funds and adopt such measures as should be necessary to aid you in the defense.
and offered Leavitt the services of a translator
a white man – about middle aged – named John Shain. When a child he was placed on board of [a] Slave Ship and lived for 7 years amongst the Africans … [he] obtained an intimate knowledge of the Soso and Mandingo languages. He is well acquainted with the customs of the people, the Geography of the country etc.[xxi]
Three days later, Parrish added another candidate to the list:
I have just returned from a very interesting visit to an old Mandingo man in company with John Shean, J [Joshua] Coffin etc. Shean and he conversed fluently and readily in the Susoo language – and it was hard to tell which of them was the most pleased. The old man is nearly 80 years of age, speaks several African languages, French and English, the latter very imperfectly. If he should be wanted, we will send him on – he is very anxious to go.[xxii]
And well it might be that the old man be anxious to go. He was Lahy Ganges.
The following day, Joshua Coffin, one of the other attendees of the meeting with John Shane and “the old man” provided further particulars to Lewis Tappan in a letter Shane delivered to him in New York[xxiii]
Phil 16 Sept 1839
Brother [Lewis] Tappan,
Yesterday afternoon I attended one of the churches for colored people & by means of one of the congregation was introduced to a native Soosoo (the son of a Soosoo chief) who was kidnapped from Africa when a man grown. I went last evening with John Shane to see him in company with Dr. [Isaac] Parrish. I was grateful to find them both well acquainted with the language. The old man Levi Ganges, alias Lahi, the son of Mulcauba. He can speak the Soosoo, the Mandingo, the Mandingo Foulah, the Timmanee and the Lambar languages & how many more I know not. It may be (&) well to mention that in Mr. Shane can speak the Spanish both the classical & creole & not improper to suggest the propriety of not saying a word about his knowledge of Spanish unless the question is asked him in Hartford. We all think it would be advisable to have Levi go to Hartford. Mr Shane will tell you all about his qualifications. He would be glad to have him go on many accounts. If you think so, just write a line to Dr. Parrish & he will come forthwith. I should be pleased to say more, but am in haste as you see by my writing.
Yours for the slave
Lewis Tappan Esq.
No 122 Pearl St or No 143 Nassau St. NY
By Jno. [John] Shane
After delivering this letter to Tappan, Shane proceeded to Hartford and spoke with the La Amistad captives, but was unsuccessful. He then returned to Philadelphia with a letter, dated September 18th, from Tappan to Dr. Parrish. The situation can be inferred from Parrish’s reply
I received thine of the 18th by return of John Sheain and was almost as much disappointed as Sheian himself, that he failed to converse with the Prisoners – Altho I cannot doubt from the account, that had he the full confidence of Joseph Cinquez he could communicate with him.
There is a hint here that Parrish believed Cinque’s lack of confidence might arise from a general distrust of whites. It is true that at this point, the captives were in great fear for their lives and did not know who to trust.[xxiv] This attempt having failed, Dr. Parrish resolved to push on:
In consulting upon the case our Committee concluded to send on old Levi Ganges and as he could not go alone – to let J S [John Shean] accompany him. We have raised $300 and if a strong appeal were made could raise more. This sum will pay the expenses of Brown & the interpreters and leave us something. Please get old Levi comfortable accommodations in some friendly family. He is well known here and can tell his own story. He has an unpleasant inflammation of the eye following an operation which was performed several months ago which may require some care. If John Sheain can be of any use, let him be employed. If not we will pay his expenses until Levi is ready to return. [xxv]
Shortly thereafter Lahy/Levi Ganges must have set out to Hartford to see what assistance he could render to the Amistad Africans. It appears that he was as unsuccessful as John Shean. An accounting of the defense committee’s expenses published in Lewis Tappan’s Emancipator reports an $1.60 expense for Levi Ganges’ lodging in Hartford and nothing more.[xxvi] This suggests that Levi, too, was unable to speak any of the Africans’ languages and this, not a distrust of whites, was the reason for their silent responses to John Shean.
Lahy/Levi Ganges returned to Philadelphia and the Amistad defense went on. The committee finally located two translators when the Africans taught Professor Josiah Gibbs Yale his numbers. In New York City, he walked the waterfront for hours, loudly and repeatedly counting to ten. His efforts were rewarded when black two mariners, Charles Pratt and James Covey, recognizing his speech but at a loss to understand his strange behavior, sought out the story. In a matter of hours, the situation was clarified. The mariners were recruited and brought to the Africans’ prison cells in Hartford, much to the joy of those imprisoned.[xxvii]
As the Amistad case continued to its historic conclusion, Lahy/Levi took up his life again in Philadelphia. Two census records, one from the 1838 Abolition Society Census of Philadelphia blacks [xxviii] and another from the 1840 Federal census [xxix] suggest he might have been living with family. In 1838, we find four persons in Lahy’s household on Little Oak Street. This census does not explicitly give the number of males and females, but the most likely configuration is one adult male and three adult females. There are only two in the household in 1840: a male over 55 (Lahy) and one female aged 26 to 54. Could this indicate that Lahy married again?
It seems so. We have already seen that earlier in life, Lahy could not afford a doctor and had sought treatment at the alms house hospital. In 1842, he was forced to repeat the process, being admitted to the eye ward on November 15th, 1842 with “sore eyes.” His admission entry in the Daily Occurrence docket reads [xxx]:
Levi Ganges 80 Black Born in Africa married 1 child
sore – eyes – eye ward – Hospital – 1st admin – has lived a number of years in Philad.
This record confirms that one of the women in the 1838 census and the one aged 26-44 in the 1840 census is Lahy’s second wife and that a child survived him. This open the intriguing possibility that Lahy’s descendants might be among us today.
Lahy’s admission to the Blockley alms house was to be his last. He succumbed to apoplexy on September 13, 1846 having spent the last 4 years of his life in the city’s care. Because he was a member of Mother Bethel AME [xxviii], he was interred at the Bethel Colored Burial Ground three days later.[xxxi] May he rest in peace.
[i] Indenture from Lahy Ganges to Enos Eldridge of Darby Township, Delaware County, 6 October 1800, Box 2 Folder 17. “Papers, Series IV. Manumissions, indentures, and other legal papers, document”, Pennsylvania Abolition Society, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
[ii] Delaware County Pennsylvania Deeds, F:564.
[iii] Delaware County Pennsylvania Deeds, P:166. Eldridge is describes as “of Moyamensing, Philadelphia County, in this deed.
[iv] Anonymous, ”Auctions by Shannon & Poalk,” Philadelphia Gazette, 8 Nov 1803, p. 5, col. 2; online archives, Genealogy Bank (https://www.genealogybank.com/ : accessed 11 Aug 2020).
[v] Many of the outbuildings listed in the ad are not listed a 1798 Federal Direct Tax assessment which lists only a stone hose and kitchen. See: Assessment Lists for the Pennsylvania Direct Tax, 1798 – 1800, Microfilm Publication M372, 24 rolls, (Washington, D.C.: NARA, 1962), roll 7, division 3, collection district 5 (Chester(part) and Delaware County, Darby and Tinicum Townships), Book 1, n.p, line 60, Enos Eldridge; online images, Ancestry, (https://www.ancestry.com/ : accessed 11 Aug 2020).
[vi] Assessment Lists for the Pennsylvania Direct Tax, 1798 – 1800, Microfilm Publication M372, 24 rolls, (Washington, D.C.: NARA, 1962), roll 7, division 3, collection district 5 (Chester(part) and Delaware County, Darby and Tinicum Townships), Book E, Tinicum Twp., n.p., particular list number 6, Enos Eldridge; online images, Ancestry, (https://www.ancestry.com/ : accessed 25 Aug 2020).
[vii] Delaware County Pennsylvania Deeds, H:563.
[viii] Gloucester County New Jersey Deeds, M:15.
[x] Map detail taken from: Lionel Pincus and Princess Firyal Map Division, The New York Public Library. “To the citizens of Philadelphia, this new plan of the city and its environs, taken from actual survey is respectfully dedicated by their humble servt. John A. Paxton” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed August 20, 2022. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-f017-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
[xi] 1820 U.S. census, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, Southwark District, population schedule, p. 86 (stamped), line 2, Levy Gansey; digital image, Anccestry.com (https://www.ancestry.com/ : accessed 14 Jul 2020); citing National Archives Microfilm publication M33 roll 110.
[xii] Philadelphia County Pennsylvania, Guardians of the Poor, “Daily occurrence docket and day books, 1787-1917”, Vol 1819 Feb 4 – 1823 May 25, “Admittance entry for Levi Ganges”, 8 Aug 1821; image, “Daily occurrence docket, 1819 Feb 4 – 1823 May 25”, FamilySearch, ( https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/590077?availability=Family%20History%20Library :accessed 6 Oct 2021) > digital film 8519843> image 510. The biographical details fit Lahy Ganges very well and strongly suggest that he and Levi are the same man. This conclusion is firmly established by evidence presented in the next section.
[xiii] Philadelphia, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, Board of Health Cemetery Returns, unnumbered page, section Public Burial Ground for the week of August 3, 1821, return for Mary Ganges, died 6 Aug. 1821; image, “Registration of deaths, 1803-1903; arranged by year and cemetery”, FamilySearch (https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/629743?availability=Family%20History%20Library : accessed 18 Aug 2022) > digital film 004009774 > image 1893. Puerperal mania was what might be characterized today as severe post-partum depression. The death date on cemetery returns often trails those reported in the daily occurence docket by a day or two.
[xv] See the list of indentures for Delaware County on this web site here.
[xiv] Philadelphia County Pennsylvania, Guardians of the Poor, “Daily occurrence docket and day books, 1787-1917”, Vol 1819 Feb 4 – 1823 May 25, “Admittance entry for Mary Ganges”, 3 Aug 1821; image, “Daily occurrence docket, 1819 Feb 4 – 1823 May 25”, FamilySearch, ( https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/590077?availability=Family%20History%20Library :accessed 6 Oct 2021) > digital film 8519843> image 509.
[xvi] Philadelphia, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, Board of Health Cemetery Returns, unnumbered page, section Public Burial Ground for the week of September 21, 1821, return for John Ganges, died 24 Sept. 1821; image, “Registration of deaths, 1803-1903; arranged by year and cemetery”, FamilySearch (https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/629743?availability=Family%20History%20Library : accessed 18 Aug 2022) > digital film 004009775 > image 128.
[xvii] “Alms House in Spruce Street Philadelphia [graphic] / Drawn, Engraved & Published by W. Birch & Son ; Sold by R. Campbell & Co. No. 30 Chesnut [sic] Philada.”, (Philadelphia: W. Birch & Son,1799); online, Library Company Of Philadelphia Digital Collections, https://digital.librarycompany.org/islandora/object/Islandora%3A13349 , accessed 18 Aug 2022.
[xviii] “Pennsylvania and New Jersey, Church and Town Records, 1669-2013”, digital images, Ancestry.com, (https://www.ancestry.com/ : accessed 14 Jul 2020) >PA – Philadelphia> Philadelphia>Not Stated>The Philadelphia Saving Fund Society, image of entry for Am[Adam] Everly 225 High St for Levi Ganges, account 17232 (8 Aug 1831);citing Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
[xix] Philadelphia City Directory for 1837.
[xx] Lewis Tappan, “To the Committee”, NY Commercial Advertiser, 13 Sept 1839, p. 2, col. 1, online archives, genealogybank.com, accessed 25 Aug 2020. Note that Tappan does not list Mendi as one of the desired languages. At the outset, the Amistad committee mistakenly believed that the Africans’ primary language was Mandingo, not Mendi.
[xxi] “Slavery and the U.S. Supreme Court: The Amistad Case”, Howard-Tilton Memorial Library, Tulane University , Tulane University Digital Library (https://digitallibrary.tulane.edu/ accessed 13 July 2020), image, “Letter from Isaac Parrish to Joshua Leavitt”, 12 Sept 1839, Doc. No. F1-4613, crediting “American Missionary Association Archives, Amistad Research Center, New Orleans, Louisiana”.
[xxii] “Slavery and the U.S. Supreme Court: The Amistad Case”, Howard-Tilton Memorial Library,Tulane University , Tulane University Digital Library (https://digitallibrary.tulane.edu/ accessed 13 Jul 2020), image, “Letter from Isaac Parrish to Lewis Tappan”, 15 Sept 1839, Doc. No. F1-4624, crediting “American Missionary Association Archives, Amistad Research Center, New Orleans, Louisiana”.
[xxiii] “Slavery and the U.S. Supreme Court: The Amistad Case”, Howard-Tilton Memorial Library,Tulane University , Tulane University Digital Library (https://digitallibrary.tulane.edu/ accessed 16 Jun 2020), image, “Letter from Joshua Coffin to Lewis Tappan”, 16 Sept 1839, Doc. No. F1-4626, crediting “American Missionary Association Archives, Amistad Research Center, New Orleans, Louisiana”. This is the only record identified to-date that provides a specific point of origin, parent, and ethnic group for a member of the First Ganges,
[xxiv] Reddicker, Marcus, The Amistad Rebellion, (New York, Penguin Books, 2019), p 123.
[xxv] “Slavery and the U.S. Supreme Court: The Amistad Case”, Howard-Tilton Memorial Library,Tulane University , Tulane University Digital Library (https://digitallibrary.tulane.edu/ accessed 13 Jul 2020), image, “Letter from Isaac Parrish to Lewis Tappan”, 20 Sept 1839, Doc. No. F1-4634, crediting “American Missionary Association Archives, Amistad Research Center, New Orleans, Louisiana”.
[xxvi] S.S. Jocelyn, Joshua Leavitt, Lewis Tappan, “Expenditures on Account of Captured Africans”, The Emancipator, 6 Feb 1840, p. 163, col. 5, online archives, Gale Primary Sources (https://go-gale-com.nehgs.idm.oclc.org/ps/dispBasicSearch.do?userGroupName=mlin_b_nenghist&prodId=NCNP : accessed 13 July 2020), 19th Century U.S. Newspapers, citing Wisconsin Historical Society. Sept  Levi Ganges (interpreter) board at Hartford 1 62 [$1.62].
[xxvii] Reddicker, Marcus, The Amistad Rebellion, (New York, Penguin Books, 2019), p 136.
[xxviii] “Committee to visit the Colored People” census facts collected by Benjamin C. Bacon and Charles Gardner [Ams .133] 1838. Pennsylvania Abolition Society papers ; image, “1838 PAS Census Volume 3”, BlackDocentsCollective.com (https://www.blackdocents.com/ : accessed August 20, 2022)>1838 PAS Census>Volume3>page 102
[xxix] 1840 U.S. census, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, Southwark District, population schedule, p. 111 (stamped), line 1, L Gansey; digital image, Ancestry.com (https://www.ancestry.com/ : accessed 14 Jul 2020); citing Family History Library Film 0020555.
[xxx] Philadelphia County Pennsylvania, Guardians of the Poor, “Daily occurrence docket and day books, 1787-1917”, Vol 1841 Jun 19 – 1844 Oct 15, “Admittance entry for Levi Ganges”, 15 Nov 1842; image, “Daily occurrence docket, 1841 Jun 19 – 1844 Oct 15”, FamilySearch, ( https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/590077?availability=Family%20History%20Library :accessed 6 Oct 2021) > digital film 8519848> image 388.
[xxxi] Philadelphia, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, Board of Health Cemetery Returns, unnumbered page, section Bethel Colored Cemetery for the week of September 16, 1846, return for Levi Ganges, died 13 Sept. 1846; image, “Registration of deaths, 1803-1903; arranged by year and cemetery”, FamilySearch (https://www.familysearch.org/search/catalog/629743?availability=Family%20History%20Library : accessed 12 July 2020) > digital film 004009816 > image 208. This Bethel Burying ground, long forgotten but recently re-discovered, is the final resting place for thousands of black Philadelphians. An excellent web site maintained by Terry Buckalew, bethelburyinggroundproject.com , documents the lives of people interred there, including Lahy/Levi.
[xxxii] John Caspar Wild, Alms House (Philadelphia), 1840, Lithograph in colors, Mabel Brady Garvan Collection, Yale University Art Gallery.